* The two African female presidents have inherited challenges arising from independence gaining political parties that now deems power as an entitlement or a reward for securing independence rather than to be earned from having an impact in their countries
Both presidents are facing a popular resistance to the continuity of their regimes from the younger generation that feels alienated, and the two presidents have approached the challenges differently
By Rutashubanyuma Nestory, Tanzania Digest
Tanzania President Samia Suluhu Hassan is hosting fellow female president, Namibia’s Ndemupelila Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah, and there is a need to evaluate the contrasting leadership styles of these two female African presidents.
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This discourse looks at the biographies of the two African female presidents celebrating their achievements while assessing their stark challenges. This is their contrasting stories.
Ndemupelila Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah
Born 29th October, 1952, Nandi-Ndaitwah is a Namibian politician who is the 5th and current president of Namibia since March 21, 2025 as the country’s first female president. Previously, she served as the 3rd vice-president under President Nangolo Mbumba between 2024 and 2025.
Born in Onamutai, northern Namibia (then South West Africa), was the 9th of 13 children in an Anglican Church family. Her father, Petrus Nandi, was a clergyman instrumental in establishing St. Mary’s Mission Church at Odibo, where she attended boarding school.
Her political awakening began at age 14 when she joined SWAPO, a liberation movement fighting against South Africa’s apartheid regime. By 1970, she led SWAPO’s Youth League in Ovamboland, organising protests against apartheid practices like public floggings.
Forced into exile in 1974 due to her activism, she continued her education in the Soviet Union (studying communist youth movements) and the UK, earning postgraduate diplomas in public administration (Glasgow) and international relations, followed by a master’s in diplomatic studies from Keele University (1989).
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Political Career: Liberation Struggle and Exile (1970s–1989)
During exile, Nandi-Ndaitwah held key diplomatic roles for SWAPO in Zambia (1976–1980) and Tanzania (1980–1986), advocating for Namibian independence internationally. She married Epaphras Denga Ndaitwah, a PLAN military leader, in 1983.
After Namibia’s independence in 1990, she became a National Assembly member and held numerous ministerial roles — Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs (1990–1996)
Minister of Women Affairs & Child Welfare; championing the Combating of Domestic Violence Act (2003); Minister of Environment & Tourism (2010–2012) and
International Relations (2012–2024); Deputy Prime Minister (2015–2024), appointed by President Hage Geingob; and in 2017, became SWAPO’s first female vice-president, positioning her as the party’s 2024 presidential candidate.
Presidency (2025–present)
Nandi-Ndaitwah made history in November 2024 by winning 57–58.7% of the presidential vote, becoming Namibia’s first female president. Key actions and policies include, cabinet restructuring— appointing Lucia Witbooi as vice-president and reduced ministerial positions by nearly half, with women holding the majority.
As of May 2025, Namibia’s Cabinet composition has 8 women out of 14 ministers, including key portfolios such as finance, education and international relations. This comprises 57.14 % of the whole cabinet of women forming the majority of the decision making positions — a feat never replicated anywhere else in Africa.
Even the much-revered Rwanda, in terms of women representation in senior government positions, falls short at 45.4% are women in the Kagame cabinet.
The breakdown of women in her cabinet includes vice-president Lucia Witbooi, Namibia’s first female vice-president adding to the total count of women in leadership — bringing the number to nine women in senior executive roles.
Six men hold senior ministerial roles, including the prime minister and deputy prime minister. The total number of senior and junior ministers is 14 — including the president, vice-president, prime Minister, deputy prime minister, and other ministers.
She appointed seven deputy ministers — streamlining the cabinet from 21 to 14 ministers and reduced deputy positions from 21 to 7, aiming to cut costs and improve efficiency.
This restructuring also prioritised gender parity, making Namibia a continental leader with 64% female representation in senior cabinet roles (9 out of 14, including the VP).
Nandi-Ndaitwah announced government-funded tertiary education starting in 2026 and her economic plans has a N$90 billion manifesto targeting job creation, agricultural self-sufficiency and universal healthcare.
Her anti-corruption stance stands out when she dismissed officials like agriculture minister, Mac-Albert Hengari over misconduct allegations. Critics question her ability to reverse SWAPO’s declining popularity and her skepticism of Geingob’s green hydrogen project.
Married to Lt. Gen. Epaphras Denga Ndaitwah (retired) — former Namibian Defence Force chief, she has three sons and four grandchildren. Known for her pragmatic leadership style, she emphasises implementation over rhetoric, saying: “I am an implementer, not a storyteller.”
A lifelong advocate for gender equality, she participated in pivotal UN women’s conferences and reshaped Namibia’s political landscape by breaking gender barriers.
Awards and recognition include honorary doctorates from the University of Dar es Salaam and Keele University; Inter-Generational Leadership Award (2024 Nalafem Summit).
Nandi-Ndaitwah’s presidency symbolises a milestone for women in African politics, though her tenure’s long-term impact on Namibia’s economy and governance remains to be seen.
Samia Suluhu Hassan
Born on January 27, 1960, in Makunduchi, Zanzibar (now part of Tanzania), Suluhu Hassan’s father was a schoolteacher, and her mother a homemaker.
After completing secondary education in 1977, she worked as an office clerk and later pursued higher education, earning an advanced diploma in public administration from Mzumbe University (1986) and a postgraduate diploma in economics from the University of Manchester (1994).
She also holds a master’s degree in Community Economic Development (2015) from the Open University of Tanzania.
Hassan began her political career in 2000 as a member of the Zanzibar House of Representatives under the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party. She held ministerial roles in Zanzibar, focusing on youth, gender, and tourism.
In 2010, she entered Tanzania’s National Assembly and became Minister of State for Union Affairs. Her rise to prominence came in 2015 when she was selected as John Magufuli’s vice-presidential running mate, making her Tanzania’s first female vice-president.
Before that, she was the vice-chairperson of the Constituency Assembly where she had gained respect in the way she had chaperoned the meetings with decorum and attention to detail.
Presidency
Hassan assumed the presidency on March 19, 2021, following Magufuli’s death, becoming Tanzania’s first female president and Africa’s only sitting female head of state at that time. Her leadership style emphasises pragmatism, inclusivity and reconciliation.
Her key achievements include the CoVID-19 response when she reversed Magufuli’s denialist stance, joining COVAX and initiating nationwide vaccinations. She publicly received a vaccine to boost public confidence and resumed reporting CoVID-19 data to the WHO.
Her political reforms and media freedom include lifting bans on opposition rallies and media outlets and releasing imprisoned opposition leaders like Freeman Mbowe. She formed a reconciliation committee to engage with opposition parties, easing tensions inherited from Magufuli’s authoritarian policies.
The then Chadema chairperson, Freeman Mbowe has severally lauded her reconciliation efforts as a major success despite widespread criticism.
In economic revival and infrastructure, Hassan revived foreign investments and international partnerships, securing loans for infrastructure projects like the Standard Gauge Railway and Julius Nyerere Hydropower Plant.
State visit to Malawi
Tanzania’s economy grew at 5.2% in 2023, with stabilised inflation and increased intra-African trade under the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA).
Her gender equality and youth empowerment include appointing women to 36% of cabinet roles, including Tanzania’s first female defense minister. She reinstated education access for pregnant girls and promoted youth entrepreneurship through affordable loans.
Composition of women in President Samia Suluhu Hassan’s Cabinet — as of May 23, 2025 — includes 7 women out of 23 senior ministers, representing approximately 30.4% female representation in key ministerial roles.
This reflects a deliberate effort to advance gender parity, though it falls short of Rwanda’s 45.4% benchmark.
Recent changes and trends include cabinet reshuffle in preparation for the 2025 elections, adding two more women to her cabinet and increasing female representation from 5 to 7 ministers. She emphasised plans to further expand women’s roles, including creating a professional women’s database to streamline future appointments.
Women constitute 46% of regional administrative secretaries and 44% of district commissioners, signaling broader gender inclusivity beyond the cabinet.
Under Samia’s leadership, female ministerial representation rose from 34.3% in 2021 (9 women in a 22-member cabinet) to 30.4% in 2025, though this marks a slight decline.
While praised for appointing women to high-profile roles, critics argue that systemic barriers persist, such as limited economic empowerment programs for grassroots women.
With UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon
Samia faces pressure from within her party (CCM) to balance reformist agendas with entrenched patriarchal norms, particularly ahead of the 2025 elections. She has pledged to prioritise gender equality, including initiatives like specialised military training for women and financial inclusion programs.
However, her ability to institutionalise these reforms amid political challenges will determine their long-term impact.
In diplomatic outreach, Samia restored Tanzania’s global standing by engaging with the European Union, African Union and East African Community. Her efforts led to partnerships with Dubai and participation in COP26, emphasising climate action.
Her challenges include internal political resistance as she faces opposition from Magufuli loyalists within CCM, who resisted her reforms. Recent crackdowns on opposition figures, such as treason charges against Tundu Lissu, have raised concerns about democratic backsliding ahead of the 2025 elections.
Global disruptions like the Ukraine war and CoVID-19 slowed economic growth, complicating infrastructure funding. Inflation and unemployment remain persistent issues.
Critics argue her reforms lack institutionalisation. The controversial Political Parties Act and Media Services Act, used to suppress dissent under Magufuli, remain unamended. The election law reforms have not undone the lack of transparency, over-dependence on public servants to manage elections and opacity in the election result verification.
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She has faced backlash for derogatory comments about female athletes’ appearances, highlighting lingering gender stereotypes. She had also angered Kenyans over human rights activism spilling over in Tanzania sparking sustained cyberattacks.
She struggles to reconcile her reformist agenda with CCM’s entrenched interests. Her recent alignment with Magufuli-era figures suggests pragmatic consolidation of power rather than systemic change.
Perhaps, in her second term she will feel free to imprint her own mark in Tanzania governance rather than sustaining a system that has failed to address socioeconomic marginalization, income disparities and societal tensions.
Samia Suluhu Hassan’s presidency marks a pivotal shift toward inclusive governance in Tanzania. While her achievements in public health, diplomacy, and gender equality are notable, challenges like political polarisation and economic instability persist. Her ability to institutionalise reforms and navigate CCM dynamics will determine her lasting impact.
Conclusion
The two African female presidents have inherited challenges arising from independence gaining political parties that now deems power as an entitlement or a reward for securing independence rather than to be earned from having an impact in their countries.
Both presidents are facing a popular resistance to the continuity of their regimes from the younger generation that feels alienated, and the two presidents have approached the challenges differently.
Tanzania president has resorted to repression to stay in power while Namibia’s has attempted to widen economic empowerment through free education and health. Tanzania’s education and health systems remain under user fees, which have entrenched poverty and marginalization.
Both presidents face criticism over whether elections in their countries are free, fair, verifiable and credible. Neither has attempted to reform the electoral machinery to alleviate allegations of voter rigging and imposition of illegal representation.
President Hassan has been in office for 1,529 days as of May 25 while Namibia’s has been in office for merely 67 days. This suggests the Namibian president is most likely to have a lasting impact in her country than president Samia, who lacks a political base of her own to stamp her vision, ambition and legacy.
Samia is more wary of stepping on too many toes lest she is undermined by those who would feel negatively impacted by her reforms. It may narrates why president Samia Suluhu Hassan is always reshuffling her pack lest she be deemed messing up with those who carry significant political weight.
She has not reduced the size of her cabinet and has widened the room for presidential appointees indicating a quest to placate various factions in her ruling party.
Namibian president was quick to flip women underrepresentation in the cabinet while Samia has been slow to rectify gender disparities in her government partially due facing resistance and hostilities from senior government officials who are still smarting up to comprehend how a woman could be their president in the first place. Severally, she had to remind her ‘doubting Thomases’ no sooner she was sworn in, gender shouldnt be an issue.
Her Namibian counterpart faced no such gender biases — hence she had a free hand to address gender imbalances in senior government posts without fear of resistance.
